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Can the enclosures of Göbekli Tepe be seen as examples of the earliest recognized shrines, even temples, that completely exclude domestic functions? What was the social organization of the community that gathered their efforts to carve out large pillars, up to 7m tall, and occasionally to dress them with elaborate images of mainly wild and male animals? To what end was such a large labor pool mobilized? How big was the area around the site from which people were drawn in order to construct and/or visit this particular place? Was there a connection between broadly contemporaneous examples of intentional intensification in the use of wild plant resources across

Symbolism and Sacrifice at Göbekli Tepe Catalhöyük, dating from 6,400 to 6,200 bce, presents evidence of one of the earliest human settlements: its construction, its social organization, its symbolic, artistic, and ritual life. A lesser known, but much earlier and potentially even more signiicant link in the evidential chain of the story of “how we became human” is provided by another archaeological site, situated some 450 miles east-southeast of Çatalhöyük. his site, generally recognized to be a temple complex, has been discovered at Göbekli Tepe (literal translation: “Potbelly Hill”) in southeastern Turkey, near the present-day frontier with Syria. It lies about fifteen kilometers northeast of the present-day city of Şanlıurfa,

Many ancient compositions were overlaid upon a template of a Body. The Bodies need not have been human but could also be based on animals, insects, or even plants and inanimate objects. The “T” shape of the pillar was based on the basic gesture sign that represented, below1 (the surface). That, in itself may be enough of a clue to tell us that the Pillar's form was not that of a human. The “T” Form was also compounded to include a horizontal rectangle and a vertical rectangle. These signs indicated a horizontal plane or place and a vertical plane or place (one having height and depth). Gobekli Tepe

After discarding, on historical and structural grounds, the idea that Neolithic sumptuary buildings could represent temples, it is assumed that the pillars of Göbekli Tepe relate to a system of belief illustrated by a mythology featuring interacting mythical beings. Like a mirror, the form taken by this symbolical interrelation must reflect something of that society’s own form of internal social relations. Numerous ethnological studies, like the work of Lévi-Strauss, have shown that among primitive societies2, the exchange of women is the most crucial subject of social interaction. These matrimonial rules exist under a great number of forms, but there is one universal principle determining them all and it